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Was it all pie in the sky?

By
Emad Askarieh
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Hasan Rouhani

One year on since Hassan Rouhani’s undisputed victory in Iran’s presidential election, a 92nd issue of Tejarat-e Farda weekly, which appeared on newsstands on June 29, 2014, ran a report on the promises candidate Rouhani made on the campaign trail and on how successful he has been thus far in fulfilling those pledges. The report, which opens with an article by Seyyed Hamid Motaghi, features the viewpoints of three officials, including two senior MPs. In the article Motaghi likens electoral campaigns in Iran, and elsewhere in the world for that matter, to what unfolded in “Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland”. Here is an excerpt of the report which reflects a variety of opinions about the Iranian president’s performance during his almost one year in office.

“More than 12 months have passed since Hassan Rouhani pulled off a win in Iran’s 11th presidential elections in 2013. Without a doubt, one key reason why this career politician emerged victorious in his bid for presidency was that he ran on a platform that appealed to the public.

“To find out whether or not the Iranian president resorted to unrealistic and populist slogans to win the vote, one needs to categorize election promises first. To that end, three different criteria should be taken into account. 1. How compatible are a candidate’s campaign promises with his goals and mentality? 2. How practical are those promises, considering the situation on the ground? And 3. Are they within the jurisdiction of the chief executive at all?

“Accordingly, practical pledges that are in line with the goals of a president and within his powers should be billed as realistic. The promises which seem practical but do not chime in with the chief executive’s intended plans and credentials – and are probably made to win over a chunk of the electorate – should be classified as populist. And finally, slogans that are compatible with the president’s plans and line of thinking but do not fall within his jurisdiction should be branded unrealistic.

“Many of the issues candidate Rouhani raised in his stump speeches are evidently what every administration should focus on to get things straight, slogans which were both in line with his set goals and within his jurisdiction. That the country’s nuclear centrifuges should not operate at the expense of the livelihood of a nation was one of the most important statements Rouhani made when he was running for elected office. […]

“Before Mohammad Javad Zarif was placed at the helm of the country’s diplomacy machine some were swift to label that statement unrealistic. But the fact that senior state officials threw their weight behind President Rouhani’s push [to have the nuclear case settled once and for all] along the way proves that candidate Rouhani’s campaign statement as far as the nuclear issue was concerned was not an empty promise.

“Recent months have also seen some progress on the economic front, especially when it comes to containment of inflation. Unfortunately though, there has been little headway in job creation. Some experts blame the administration’s failure in this regard on the recession gripping the Iranian economy and suggest one cannot pin much hope on any breakthrough down the line.

“Recent months have also seen some progress on the economic front, especially when it comes to containment of inflation.

“Another campaign promise of Hassan Rouhani focused on the environment. His administration seems to have come a long way on that front over the past 10 months. […]

“Stopping the production of [the so-called] petrochemical gasoline was another campaign promise that came true, giving the residents of the capital an opportunity, a first in almost five years, to breathe in unpolluted air.

“Stopping the production of [the so-called] petrochemical gasoline was another campaign promise that came true

“Giant steps have been taken toward the realization of universal healthcare insurance which was swiftly dismissed as another ‘Pie in the sky’ when it was floated by candidate Rouhani in May 2013. […]

“No doubt, Rouhani’s promise to sustain the monthly provision of cash subsidies to citizens was populist in nature. A closer look at the track record of Rouhani and his team shows that a majority of them are opposed to provision of ‘targeted subsidies’ in their current form and are pushing back a vital operation on the country’s ailing economy only to keep voters satisfied. For now, the holdup may stop many voters from turning their back on Rouhani, but it is bound to deal a very heavy blow to Iran’s economy down the road. In the meanwhile, several of candidate Rouhani’s promises including those aimed at streamlining partisan activities, re-opening the House of Parties and the Journalists Guild, and raising the minimum wage proportionate to inflation have been put on hold.

“No doubt, Rouhani’s promise to sustain the monthly provision of cash subsidies to citizens was populist in nature.

“Another pledge candidate Rouhani made was to establish a Ministry of Women. The pledge which seems to have been aimed at winning over the urban middle class came against the advice of his aides who appealed for measures to trim the government. […] The fact that there is no female minister in President Rouhani’s cabinet is proof that the pledge to set up a Ministry of Women was merely designed to secure more votes. The pledge to set up an academy of minority languages was placed on ice too and is unlikely to be acted on in the remaining three years of his presidency.

“The so-called pie-in-the-sky list includes Rouhani’s pledge, in the run-up to the election, to stop vetting books before they go to press or to put experts in charge of vetting films before they hit the screen. Certainly, these things are not part of the executive authority; the legislature and the judiciary have more powerful tools at their disposal to run the show. That means critics have rightly dismissed those promises as impractical.

“Another unrealistic pledge was the allocation of as much as 3 percent of GDP to research. Although that promise falls well within the executive jurisdiction, realities on the ground render it unlikely, if not impossible.

“Mr. Rouhani and his campaign repeatedly described an ‘opening’ in social networking as one of their ‘loftiest goals’. Although everyone thought the opening in question would be on the horizon once he stepped into the presidential office, the ban on Facebook and Twitter remained in place, and the president along with his deputy and foreign policy chief had to make an end run around regulations to remain active on social networks. […]

“The president is trying to end the house arrest of some political figures and pave the way for the return home of Iranian expatriates. But making these objectives a reality is not as easy as it may sound and these two items belong in the unrealistic promises column.”

Anoushirvan Mohseni-Bandpei
Anoushirvan Mohseni-Bandpei

Anoushirvan Mohseni-Bandpei, the managing director of Iranian Health Insurance Organization, has been interviewed for this report by Tejarat-e Farda’s Masoumeh Sotudeh. Obviously, healthcare has taken center stage in this interview. Here is part of what Mohseni-Bandpei, who is a physician, had to say:

“Allegations that many of President Rouhani’s pledges were unrealistic are not true. The launch of Iranian Health Insurance Organization amounted to realization of the better part of the pledges he made as a candidate. Of course, the government has a long way ahead, and the president has instructed the Iranian Health Insurance Organization, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare to redouble their efforts to make his health-related promises a reality. Sustainability of financial resources channeled to the health sector holds the key to future success. Allocation of part of government revenues that have started to come in following the launch of the ‘targeted subsidies initiative’ and VAT has helped us along the way. But to speed things up we need sustainable financial resources.

The launch of Iranian Health Insurance Organization amounted to realization of the better part of the pledges he made as a candidate.

“The president put a lot of emphasis on healthcare during his election campaign. After victory in the polls he put in a lot of time and effort to remain true to his word. The main problem we’re faced with is that insurance is not universal and co-payments are rather high. The idea of universal healthcare was intended to help realize Article 38 of the Fifth Development Plan which requires the government to provide universal healthcare. The previous government did nothing to implement that provision of the law. Thanks to the efforts of the current administration, some 5.1 million Iranians have already signed up for healthcare and are set to get their healthcare cards shortly. […] The budget the current government has allocated to healthcare has seen co-payments decline to 30 percent, with the government paying the remaining 70 percent of the bills. The move has also helped prolong the period doctors spend in less-developed areas and resulted in higher quality services to patients. […] Ministry of Health and Iranian Health Insurance Organization have concluded a memorandum of understanding to further improve the quality of healthcare services.

“I would describe the registration of up to 5.1 million Iranians for health insurance as a renaissance. Dr. Rouhani’s government is implementing a law that was gathering dust for almost two decades. His government has focused its attention on lowering the fees patients have to pay for each visit to a doctor’s office.

“Despite claims that the new arrangements mostly benefit the urban population, residents of rural areas and towns home to less than 20,000 people are the main beneficiaries of this recent healthcare push.[…]

“The government is covering at least 70 percent of the price of medicines taken by people suffering from hard-to-cure diseases. […] This initiative has resulted in relative satisfaction of many of the patients who are grappling with such ailments.”

Mehrdad Bazrpash
Mehrdad Bazrpash

Mehrdad Bazrpash, a member of the Presiding Board of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, believes that President Rouhani’s administration has many unfulfilled economic promises on its hand and that the president’s failure to honor his promises has proven to the public that those pledges have merely been part of a strategy to win more votes. The following is part of an article he has written on whether the president has been successful in fulfilling his electoral promises.

“The most important reason why his promises remain unfulfilled is that the president made those promises merely to dismiss his opponents and cast doubts on the achievements of his predecessor. The tactic to question the achievements of the previous government came to light when it became clear that the president and his team had no alternatives for what they were lashing out at. I believe the president’s blind rejection of the achievements of his predecessor is rooted in the fact that he is out of touch. […] In the heat of last year’s electoral campaign, the president promised to settle the country’s problems one after another if and when he took office.

“The most important reason why his promises remain unfulfilled is that the president made those promises merely to dismiss his opponents and cast doubts on the achievements of his predecessor.

“The president has made several promises. He has been unable to keep those promises or at least set the stage for their realization. For instance, immediately after victory in the polls, he said he would pave the way for the reinstatement of the Management and Planning Organization, citing that the country’s problems had worsened following the dissolution of the planning body. […] What is interesting is that 11 months into his presidency, Rouhani has not only done nothing tangible to revive the organization, but has opposed a plan floated by some MPs to recreate the budget and planning agency. […]

“Shortly after being inaugurated, the president recalled the hurdles businesses and entrepreneurs were faced with and vowed to make those problems a thing of the past. His government also promised that it would require banks to offer credit lines to companies that pay 30 percent of the total amount of credit in cash. […]

“Last year [ended March 21, 2014] President Rouhani’s government also spontaneously decided to offer ‘goods baskets’ to members of the public on two occasions, but only one materialized. […] Advocacy groups around the world no longer approve of such approaches. Besides, it came right after the president and his team accused the administration of President Ahmadinejad of using the ploy of [cash] subsidies to win votes. […] One main question that arises here is ‘How did his government come by the money to pay for the goods basket?’ [….]

“Another unrealistic promise the current government made on the campaign trail centered on freedom of speech and on the right of the public to critique the executive branch. The approach the government has adopted over the past few months – calling the critics ‘illiterate’, ‘a bunch of extremists’ and ‘individuals who have attended lowbrow universities’ – suggests that the promise to promote free speech and welcome criticism was an empty one. Unfortunately, the president and his team are promoting the notion that the 50 percent or so of the electorate who did not vote for him advocate violence and that they should not dare critique his governance. […]

“The president promised to keep centrifuges running and in tandem prop up the livelihoods of the public. In some of our nuclear sites, centrifuges are reputedly on life support and according to reports by our nuclear scientists the pulse of our nuclear energy is fading. The question that arises here is whether the livelihood of the public has been propped up. […] With the US dollar selling for 33,000 rials and prices of consumer goods up 30 percent, no one can believe government assertions that inflation is under control.

“The president has denounced Mehr Housing Scheme as ‘failing to live up to expert criteria’. Does the current government, which seems determined to kill the housing plan, have any alternative? The Constitution requires the government to take care of the housing needs of less-fortunate people. A government that offers no alternative to a plan it dislikes will certainly be unable to administer justice. In other words, owning a place to live in has become a pipe dream for impoverished people.”

Seyyed Sharif Hosseini
Seyyed Sharif Hosseini

Seyyed Sharif Hosseini, who has a seat on the Presiding Board of the Iranian parliament, also weighed in on the level of President Rouhani’s commitment to his campaign promises.

“When candidate Rouhani was running for office, he criticized the way the Iranian nuclear negotiating team was being managed. Regardless of the accuracy of his assessment of the previous negotiating team, one can certainly say the nuclear case has no longer a security air about it and is placed on a reasonable track. That is thanks to the instructions of the supreme leader as well as the skillfulness of the president and his negotiators led by Mohammad Javad Zarif.

“Despite expressions of concern by some about the Geneva agreement […] the fact that the Supreme National Security Council closely watches the negotiations and the supreme leader monitors the developments leaves no room for concern.

“As promised by the president in his election campaign, the nuclear case has landed on a legal track. The fact that the supreme leader has urged support for the nuclear negotiators shows that the promises of the Government of Prudence and Hope have been fulfilled as far as the nuclear issue is concerned.

“During the election campaign the president talked of hostility in relations between Iran and the rest of the world. It seems that over the past year, that hostility has eased. Of course, there is a long way ahead before all foreign policy promises of the president are fulfilled.

“The president also said he would initiate a long-term plan to help return calm to the foreign currency market. […] Immediately after the president took office, rial gained ground against major foreign currencies, but government plans to keep the price of the greenback at around 30,000 rials did not succeed.

“The government’s pledge to systematize the distribution of cash subsidies has remained unfulfilled, too. Of course, one should not forget that to that end the legislative branch too has some responsibilities that need to be fulfilled in parallel with government efforts.

“Although the president has focused part of his attention on efforts to create jobs, the scourge of unemployment is still out there and the jobless rate remains unchanged in small and big cities alike. Unemployment is not merely an economic problem, it is to blame for many psychological and mental woes. Thus, creation of jobs is not only an economic objective, but a key social, cultural and political necessity.

“The campaign-trail promises of the president and his team seem to be on track. But one should not forget that realization of all pledges the executive branch has made requires contribution by the other two branches of government as well.”

Worldwide protests against Israeli crimes in Gaza

By
Emad Askarieh
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Worldwide protests against Israeli crimes in Gaza

 

Government seeks to inject calm into media activities: deputy culture minister

By
Emad Askarieh
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Dr. Hossein Entezami

What gives the 11th government an advantage over its predecessors as far as mass media are concerned is that Hossein Entezami, Ph.D., serves as deputy minister of culture and Islamic guidance for media and information. In fact, the journalism community should be credited for helping him land the post, because members of this community have voted him onto the Press Supervisory Board for several back-to-back two-year terms to stand up for their rights. That he has secured the backing of the journalism community on more than one occasion means he has fulfilled his responsibility perfectly well. He still attends the meetings of the interdepartmental board – bringing together the representatives of the three branches of government as well as those of Qom Seminary and the Islamic Propagation Organization – not as a member of the executive branch, but as the representative of media and news agencies.

What distinguishes him from his predecessors is that it has taken him some 30 years to work his way up the professional ladder, from an entry-level position to management of well-known media outlets and news agencies. Entezami’s designation as deputy culture minister has ushered in major change. Issues such as the amount of subsidies each newspaper received and the number of ads the public sector intended to run in private media became public knowledge, whereas in the past such information used to be shared only with the managing editors of newspapers and other publications. His approach to management of the Media and Information Department of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance has drawn a mixed reaction. His field experience provides the local media and even the offices of foreign news agencies working in Iran with the opportunity to act more self-confidently in keeping with the standards of professional journalism.

A July 12th issue of Arman-e Emrooz Daily featured an interview with Hossein Entezami. The following is an excerpt of the interview which was conducted by the newspaper’s Tahereh Yusefi:

How do you assess the performance of the Ministry of Culture as far as media are concerned over the past year? How successful has the government been in fulfilling its promise of ensuring greater press freedom?

The media, I mean you and your colleagues, should make that assessment. What lends weight to an assessment is that it is made by others, not by an institution entrusted with a responsibility. Anyway, in response to your question, I would say some positive developments have taken place over the past 12 months. Efforts have been made to recognize all groups with different perspectives seeking to have their own publication. Transparency has been enhanced. We now answer for the amount of subsidies we dish out, the number of government ads we place in publications and other services we provide. We have also studied the rules and regulations to settle the problems of the press. Dos and don’ts which were not in keeping with the law have been eliminated. The media no longer receives letters of instructions on a daily basis. In line with Article 5 of the Media Act, they are only informed of the decisions of the Supreme National Security Council.

Over the past 12 months, the government has come under criticism and at times has been subjected to a smear campaign. Have such measures forced the government to forget its promises as far as culture and media are concerned?

Peripheral issues come with the territory. Of course, they disturb the government’s concentration on central issues and slow down the realization of the promises the government has made. The government has inherited far-from-noble approaches which are part of a discourse. Some of those approaches are populist in nature and run counter to our values. It takes time and energy to contain the fallout of such discourse. Today, government managers should put in a lot of time and energy to work out solutions to peripheral questions. Naturally it chips away at their concentration and slows down the pace of their efforts.

Still, promises on the cultural front have not drifted into oblivion. Among other things, the press freedom is being promoted in keeping with the law; media players are being trusted with more and more responsibilities; radical treatment of the press has stopped; and private players are being bolstered.

You place a lot of emphasis on the question of journalistic ethics which are losing momentum in mass media. What is being done to stop that trend?

Journalistic ethics are in a critical condition today. Unfortunately, promoting paparazzi rather than training real journalists is becoming the new normal. That trend is very dangerous. […] Fabrication through the use of words such as allegedly or purportedly, widespread use of the products of other individuals or agencies without securing their permission first, unauthorized audio-recording, broadcasting images without permission, prevalence of politically-motivated individuals in newsrooms, editorialization of news stories, over-speculation, as well as threats and insults are manifestations of this new normal. What is interesting is that in this mayhem, everyone, particularly those who are to blame for unethical, un-journalistic behavior, is urging others to stick to the ethics of professional journalism.

What should be done to make this a thing of the past?  

It requires guild-style perseverance. A media guild should be set up to prevent those with no journalistic skills from making a foray into journalism and stop the overnight rise to prominence of the novice. Besides, journalists and media guilds can denounce such tactics as abnormal behavior.

The Media Act does not distinguish between online sites and news agencies on the one hand and the print media on the other. But there are some double standards at play. For instance, websites or online services which run an erroneous report are immune from prosecution for spreading fabrications, but as soon as a newspaper publishes the same story a news agency has already released, its managing editor is summoned for questioning. What is your department doing in this regard?

Part of this problem should be settled through amendments to the law. Formulation of such amendments is on our agenda. In other words, the law should state that when a news story is released by, let’s say, IRIB’s Central News Bureau or by other news agencies, newspapers and other publications should no longer be liable for its content. […]

Normally what news agencies release is used by the media, and not by individual members of the public. So when a news agency publishes a story, newspapers and other publications should not be worried about the consequences of reprinting it. Quoting a website is a different question, though. When a story is published by several outlets, the plaintiff has the right to file a complaint against one or all of them regardless of who has gone first or whose story has drawn the most amount of attention. That may sound beyond reason, but the defendant is entitled to pick and choose. Unlike private plaintiffs, the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance treats websites and the print media equally and expects other state institutions to act likewise not to be accused of enforcing double standards in the court of public opinion.

In light of the fact that a representative of the judiciary has a seat on the Press Supervisory Board and closer interaction with that individual could somehow settle some of the problems hassle-free, have you done anything to promote relations between the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance and the judiciary?  

Naturally, closer interaction between state institutions will clear the air and paint a clearer picture for the press of their responsibilities. We believe that if a single institution is given the authority to make decisions, more transparency will be achieved. Of course, one should not and cannot deny the judiciary its right to exercise its powers. I believe a decision should be made at the state level to boost efficiency.

Mistakes are an inseparable part of what media do. What should be done to prevent the shutdown of a publication if and when a mistake occurs? Is there any consensus in the government of Prudence and Moderation to prevent such shutdowns? How optimistic are you about minimizing the number of shutdowns?

When a guild is established, it can take on the responsibility to monitor the performance of the press and mete out professional penalties such as warnings, demotion, suspension and even permanent revocation of license to offenders. Besides, amendments to rules can regulate the process and prevent disproportionately harsh penalties by the Press Supervisory Board or the prosecutors for minor slips. For instance, when an offense is committed, notices, citations, and warnings should come first. They should be followed by replacement of the managing editor and referral to court. When these measures fail to set things straight, revocation of the license should be contemplated.

Personally, I believe when a publication is shut down, rather than a single manager or a political personality who runs the show behind the scenes, others including reporters, journalists, staff, readers and those employed by businesses such as printing houses and distribution firms pay the price.

Does the government have any plans to help media expand their activities?

We are working on certain areas where laws are inefficient or restrictive. Formulation of a new advertisement bill, and reformation of the subsidies directive and regulations on government advertisements, as well as changes to requirements for the department to issue press ID cards are on the agenda. Our insistence on formulation of a new media guild bill and amendments to the press law compatible with modern-day requirements is part of the same approach.

Where things will stand, let’s say, in one year time? Will the stage be set for smoother journalistic activity? Does the government have any plan to help journalists and bolster media?

I hope that the formulation of a new media guild bill is finalized within a year so that the Cabinet can send it to parliament for approval. It would reform and facilitate three-way relations among members of the public, the government, and mass media.

The policy to beef up private media institutions and improve the infrastructure will be pursued and we hope it will bear fruit in a year. We will try to strike a cultural, geographical and demographic balance between supply and demand as far as media are concerned. The government is duty-bound to offer applied courses to help hone the skills of journalists. That trend will continue and a line will be drawn between professionals and non-professionals when a ranking system for journalists, news agencies and websites to be enforced by workgroups associated with the guild is introduced. […]

The lead of this story has been edited by Iran Front Page .

Audio Library Opens in Zahedan

By
Emad Askarieh
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Audio library-Iran-samsung
Audio library-Iran-samsung

A 572nd issue of Chelcheraq, a weekly magazine that, among other things, covers cultural and social issues, reported that an audio library has opened in Zahedan, the provincial capital of Sistan and Baluchestan, in collaboration with South Korea’s Samsung. The library is designed to help visually-impaired children catch up with their peers on the educational front. Here is what the short news story said:

Sistan and Baluchestan officials including those of the provincial Welfare Department and the representative of Samsung Group were on hand for the inauguration of an audio library in Zahedan. At the ceremony, speakers recalled the importance of modern facilities for those who are visually-impaired and praised the contribution of giant firms to such modernization projects.

The facility in Zahedan is the seventh Samsung is helping set up across Iran. It is designed to render educational services to children with visual impairment.

The library which has been equipped by Samsung features software for the visually-impaired, audiobooks, Braille monitors and other audio devices. Access to such libraries improves the quality of education for the visually impaired children and gives them a chance to unlock their potential.

Oldest Iranologist alive commemorated

By
Emad Askarieh
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Statue of Iranologist Manuchehr Sotudeh Unveiled
Manuchehr Sotudeh Iranologist

A statue of Manuchehr Sotudeh, a prominent Iranologist, has been unveiled at the capital’s Negarestan Garden. The ceremony comes less than a year after Sotudeh turned 100 and became the oldest Iranologist alive. The following is the translation of a short report a 57th issue of Sarzamin-e Man (My Land) Magazine published on its Your Contribution page:

Last year Manuchehr Sotudeh turned 100 and became the oldest Iranologist alive. To mark his centennial, a ceremony was held at Tehran’s Negarestan Garden during which a statue of him was unveiled and saplings were planted. […]

Sotudeh was born in a Tehran neighborhood in late July 1913. […] After getting a bachelor’s degree in literature he moved to the north, where his parents had come from, to teach literature. A few years later when Tehran University launched a Farsi Literature Ph.D. program, he returned to the capital and got a Ph.D. in literature in 1946. Almost seven decades on, his doctoral dissertation on Ismaili Forts is still viewed as one the best studies on Ismaili dynasty.

[The northern Iranian province of] Mazandaran is at the center of many of his books, including From Astara to Astarabad, a 10-volume book he published on the back of 21 years of research in this coastal province. He spent a lot of his time moving from A to B in the country and much of his knowledge about Iran comes from his field trips and on-the-ground experience. […]

Sotudeh, who is very good at historical geography, taught Islamic geography at the Theology Faculty of Tehran University before moving to the Faculty of Literature. He retired a few months before the victory of the revolution. […]

He has thus far written more than 50 books and 200-plus articles on Iranology. Here is part of his message to the Iranian youth: “Try to find a way to make your dreams come true. Attention to and knowledge about the past is very valuable in building your future. You need to study and learn how to conduct research. Make sure you go on as many trips as possible and associate with different people. As they say, inexperienced people can gain experience on the road; only through travel and sightseeing can one gain maturity.”

Sarzamin-e Man - 57 - Cover
Sarzamin-e Man magazine – 57 – Cover

Tel Aviv Looks to Change the Equation

By
Emad Askarieh
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Israel aggression Gaza
Israel aggression Gaza

The Middle East peace process has been experiencing a coma during the past six years. It is said that the killing of three Israeli youths has given Tel Aviv an excuse to attack Gaza. Why has Israel, in your opinion, launched such an extensive attack against Gaza under conditions when the region is involved in different political and security crises?

The background of this issue must be studied. At the end of 2008 and the beginning of 2009, we had the 22-day war wherein the Israelis were defeated. The balance of power in this war was such that the last bullet was shot by the Resistance. This was difficult for Israel to digest. Then, in 2011, Israel again attempted to compensate for its defeat in an eight-day war to change the equation and show its superiority against the Palestinian Resistance. This time, the Resistance launched the Fajr-5 missiles towards Tel Aviv for the first time. This measure was outside of the Israelis’ calculations, thus, the Zionist regime unilaterally demanded the halting of this war. But the Palestinian Resistance stated that they were the ones who would have to announce the end of the war; Israel started the war but the Resistance would decide about the end of the war. Ultimately, the war ended when the Israelis accepted the conditions set by the Palestinian Resistance. All of this, along with the continuous defeats of the Israelis in Lebanon from 1982, particularly until now and also from the 1993 war to the 1996 war to the Israelis’ withdrawal in 2000 from major parts of the occupied territories of Lebanon and then the 33-day war in 2006, have created a bad feeling for the Zionist regime. They have always sought to compensate for their previous defeats at the hands of the Islamic resistance in Lebanon or Palestine. From 2006 to 2011, Israel launched five big maneuvers under the names ‘Maneuvers of Change 1,2,3,4,5’. Their objective behind all of these maneuvers was to gain the necessary readiness to defend against any attack and to test themselves with regard to their capabilities to launch an attack. But the reports of Israeli military experts which were presented after any maneuver indicated that Israel neither has the capability to defend itself nor launch an attack. All of these had caused Israel to take measures and change the equation at some stage. They did not succeed in Lebanon and are somehow hopeless about being able to change the equation in that country. Israel attempted to change the equation in Lebanon during the past year but was faced with a heavy response by the Islamic resistance in Lebanon. It was the Islamic resistance of Lebanon which launched the last military attack against Israel and they were forced to back down. The Zionist regime attacked a building located along the border between Syria and Lebanon assuming that it was a military center while this building was empty. At that time the Israelis assumed that the Islamic resistance of Lebanon would not respond to this attack but the resistance launched the last attack against them. They also assumed that Gaza is considered as the weakest link of the Resistance and believed that they could decide at night and enter Gaza in the morning but the bitter experiences of the 22 and 8 day wars showed that this is a wrong assumption. Today’s maneuver by Israel is also aimed at studying the issue of whether they can change the equation or not. At the same time, these attacks are related to the regional and international developments and Netanyahu has, many times, stated that this regime has always attempted to introduce Iran’s nuclear issue as its most important matter, thus, considering the problems which exist in the occupied Palestine and Israel, it is trying to prepare the ground to escape from its domestic problems. Therefore, there is no doubt that this time Israel will also be confronted with the response of the Resistance. They are again miscalculating their extensive attacks against Gaza because they will never be able to stand against the high power of the Islamic Resistance and the determination of the people of Palestine. In the end, they will again be defeated.

Since the peace process is on the Obama administration’s agenda, will the US take any direct measure to establish a ceasefire?

There is this repeated strategy that the Israelis start an attack and then the US asks them to refrain from further attacks. This issue raises the question of why the US attempts to prevent the expansion of war and why does it demand Israel to refrain. This is while they know exactly what the results of these measures are and that these measures are taken without any calculation. The US has reached the conclusion that at the present juncture they cannot reach their objectives through the use of force and military operations. Therefore, the US does not agree with such measures taken by the Israelis and certainly the US policy would be to ask the Israelis to refrain from launching these attacks and stop the war. The Israelis must know that they cannot begin the war any time they wish and end it whenever they want. Although Israel has always started the war, it is the Resistance which has powerfully decided the end of war. It is the same now and Israel must back down.

Experts believe that the latest missile and air attacks by Israel are launched so that Netanyahu could show a powerful image of himself and state that he can defend Israel against foreign invaders at historic junctures. Considering the historical trend which was earlier explained, why is Netanyahu still determined to take such measures?

Netanyahu and people like him and other officials of the Zionist regime know well that this regime has, throughout history, been faced with numerous crises including the identity and legitimacy crisis and, of course, one of the most important crises has been the security crisis. This regime has never been able to safeguard its security for those who have unrightfully occupied the Palestinian territories. Based on Resolutions 242 and 338 and many others, the Israelis are considered as the occupiers. Therefore, all attempts made by this regime to show its power in safeguarding the security of the occupiers have been defeated. Israel assumes that through this test and due to the developments in the region in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon the Resistance has now been weakened and the time is suitable to change the equations and the balance of power. But as its assumption with regard to Lebanon was false, this time it will again be forced to accept defeat because the resistance is present on the scene more powerfully than ever before.

Some believe that due to the regional developments and Daesh’s measures in Syria and Iraq, Israel’s attacks against Palestine will weaken the Resistance forces, thus, the terrorist groups will be able to further their advances. Is there a harmony between Israel’s measures and the terrorist attacks of Daesh?

This is a wrong analysis because they have tested this measure in Lebanon and did not succeed. Now if they were defeated in Lebanon, how could they count on this deal in Palestine and take such measures based on this analysis? It seems that Israel’s attack is mostly aimed at testing and as it was mentioned the Islamic resistance, on the contrary, is present in all fronts with power. It is not that if it is involved in one front, it would not have the power to confront in its main front which is struggling against the Zionist regime with force and power. On the contrary, the Islamic resistance, whether in Lebanon or Palestine, has the necessary power to confront the Zionist regime and has maintained its power, thus, this analysis cannot be correct. It will be the Zionist regime which will lose this war.

On the other hand, Netanyahu attempts to regain his popularity among the Israelis. He intends to use this measure as a positive achievement in his campaign. Will this test, as you named it, or the military attack be Netanyahu’s winning card?

The people of Palestine have been faced with numerous problems including those related to electricity, welfare, facilities, traffic, livelihood and also security. Despite all these problems, they have stood strongly against the attacks of the Zionist regime and asked the Resistance and the present Palestinian officials to powerfully respond to these attacks. Now the question is, do the Israelis who live in the occupied territories have the same conditions? No, their living conditions are good. Basically, the reason behind their migration from different countries of the world to the occupied territories was to find a better life. Therefore, they have not come to be killed and do not have the same spirit as the Palestinians. Thus, how could they tolerate such measures? The missile attacks launched by the Resistance against Haifa and Tel Aviv have caused them to escape from their homes. They have gone to safe places. Part of the objectives of Israel’s 5-day maneuvers was to test the ability of the people to remain in these safe places, but it seems that they have been defeated in this regard as well. They are not able to remain there for a long time and experience has proven that the most that they have been able to tolerate was 33 days when difficult conditions had been created. Therefore, how could Netanyahu and others intend to increase their popularity through resorting to such measures and win in the next election? I believe that these measures will reduce his popularity and will have negative consequences for the leaders of this regime.

PUIC Troika must urgently meet on Gaza: Larijani

By
Emad Askarieh
-
Iran-Larijani PUIC Troika must urgently meet on Gaza
Iran’s Majlis Speaker Ali Larijani

Larijani, who is the current president of the PUIC conference, held telephone conversations with Speaker of Mali National Assembly Issaka Sidibé and Speaker of Sudan’s National Assembly Fatih Ezzedine al-Mansur as the current and future chairmen of the PUIC on Monday.

The PUIC Presidential Troika consists of the previous, current, and future presidents of the PUIC Conference.

Larijani also condemned the silence of international circles and so-called advocates of human rights on Israel’s killing of defenseless Palestinians including women and children in Gaza.

All countries and nations, particularly Muslim governments, shoulder a responsibility in the face of the heinous massacre and crimes committed by the Quds-occupying regime (Israel).

He called for putting an end to Israel’s brutal attacks by strengthening solidarity among Muslim countries.

Israel continues to pound the Gaza Strip for the seventh straight day. The overall death toll from seven days of Israeli attacks on the coastal enclave has risen to 175. The Israeli military began its latest assault on Gaza last Tuesday.

More than 1,200 Palestinians have been also injured as a result of the ongoing assaults.

 

Will it be Jalili vs. Rouhani again?[:fa]Will it be Jalili vs. Rouhani again?[:ar]Will it be Jalili vs. Rouhani again?

By
Emad Askarieh
-
Jalili vs. Rouhani
Jalili vs. Rouhani

Prolonged nuclear talks between P5+1 and Iranian negotiators led by Saeed Jalili which seemed to be leading nowhere was the trump card Hassan Rouhani and his fellow presidential hopefuls used in last year’s elections against the top principlist candidate: Saeed Jalili. Positive developments in nuclear talks over the past year which culminated in the conclusion of an interim deal in Geneva prompted some principlists to take aim at the deal, both implicitly and explicitly. But the author of the short essay below, which was published in a 121st issue of Hamshahri Mah Magazine, believes Saeed Jalili is conspicuous by his absence in the ranks of those who are critical of Hassan Rouhani and his top nuclear negotiator Mohammad Javad Zarif. Is he waiting for the July 20 deadline and a possible failure of the interlocutors to draft a comprehensive deal to play his I-told-so card? Is he going to use the possible breakup of the nuclear negotiations as a lever in his bid to unseat his moderate rival: incumbent Hassan Rouhani in the 2017 presidential polls? Here is the essay in its entirety:

“Barely has a year passed since Hassan Rouhani’s government took office, and the 12th presidential election seems too far away. But a frenzy of activity, including provincial trips, by Saeed Jalili could be a sign he is determined to challenge Hassan Rouhani in the polls in three years’ time.

But a frenzy of activity, including provincial trips, by Saeed Jalili could be a sign he is determined to challenge Hassan Rouhani in the polls in three years’ time.

“Jalili threw his hat in the ring ahead of the 11th presidential election so unexpectedly that his own campaign, which was known as Campaign for Good Life, seemed to have been taken by surprise, something that rendered it unable to duly support the former secretary of the Supreme National Security Council’s bid for the top job. This time around, though, Saeed Jalili’s candidacy in the 12th presidential election is predictable. Although in politics one cannot predict anything with certainty, Saeed Jalili’s provincial tours over the past year, particularly his back-to-back speeches in several towns on June 4 and 5 [2014 ], suggest he is likely to be a contender in the upcoming presidential elections. By fielding his candidacy in the previous vote, the top negotiator shifted the focus of presidential campaign to nuclear talks so that, as pundits put it, he could capitalize on this change in discourse. The division over the nuclear issue in the third debate and the bold swipe Velayati took at the way nuclear talks led by Saeed Jalili were being handled did nothing to benefit Velayati, but it did open the way for the acceptance of the criticism Rouhani directed at the trend of talks. So the turbaned diplomat eventually emerged victorious in the 11th presidential elections. The 4 million-plus votes Jalili garnered in the polls, however, were pure and of high quality. The purity and high quality of the votes he secured are going to be the best prop for his likely run for president. The reason Jalili supporters put forth to persuade him to remain on the political scene is that the 4 million-plus votes he bagged came not on the back of months of intense campaigning, but in less than a month and that continued efforts in four years can definitely see that number rise and make Rouhani the first one-term president in the history of the Islamic Republic. Unlike other main critics of the Rouhani government such as Lankarani, who is rarely seen these days and is marginalized when compared to the months and years leading up to last year’s presidential elections, Saeed Jalili has never stepped off the political scene for timeout. Trips and speeches continue to be on top of his agenda. In these speeches, in addition to value-based principles of the Islamic Republic and the criteria one needs to meet to be a committed revolutionary, efforts to safeguard the nuclear achievements of the country and keep the nation on course of advancement, as far as nuclear technology is concerned, take center stage.

But the possible success or failure of the nuclear talks is predictably going to be vital to his decision on whether to stand for president in three years.

“In all fairness, one should admit that in mapping out his nuclear stance, Jalili has rarely blasted the performance of Rouhani’s government over the past 12 months. Even at a time when the media critical of the government took aim at the Geneva agreement, he did not lash out at Rouhani’s nuclear policy. But the possible success or failure of the nuclear talks is predictably going to be vital to his decision on whether to stand for president in three years.”

 [:fa]Prolonged nuclear talks between P5+1 and Iranian negotiators led by Saeed Jalili which seemed to be leading nowhere was the trump card Hassan Rouhani and his fellow presidential hopefuls used in last year’s elections against the top principlist candidate: Saeed Jalili. Positive developments in nuclear talks over the past year which culminated in the conclusion of an interim deal in Geneva prompted some principlists to take aim at the deal, both implicitly and explicitly. But the author of the short essay below, which was published in a 121st issue of Hamshahri Mah Magazine, believes Saeed Jalili is conspicuous by his absence in the ranks of those who are critical of Hassan Rouhani and his top nuclear negotiator Mohammad Javad Zarif. Is he waiting for the July 20 deadline and a possible failure of the interlocutors to draft a comprehensive deal to play his I-told-so card? Is he going to use the possible breakup of the nuclear negotiations as a lever in his bid to unseat his moderate rival: incumbent Hassan Rouhani in the 2017 presidential polls? Here is the essay in its entirety:

“Barely has a year passed since Hassan Rouhani’s government took office, and the 12th presidential election seems too far away. But a frenzy of activity, including provincial trips, by Saeed Jalili could be a sign he is determined to challenge Hassan Rouhani in the polls in three years’ time.

But a frenzy of activity, including provincial trips, by Saeed Jalili could be a sign he is determined to challenge Hassan Rouhani in the polls in three years’ time.

“Jalili threw his hat in the ring ahead of the 11th presidential election so unexpectedly that his own campaign, which was known as Campaign for Good Life, seemed to have been taken by surprise, something that rendered it unable to duly support the former secretary of the Supreme National Security Council’s bid for the top job. This time around, though, Saeed Jalili’s candidacy in the 12th presidential election is predictable. Although in politics one cannot predict anything with certainty, Saeed Jalili’s provincial tours over the past year, particularly his back-to-back speeches in several towns on June 4 and 5 [2014 ], suggest he is likely to be a contender in the upcoming presidential elections. By fielding his candidacy in the previous vote, the top negotiator shifted the focus of presidential campaign to nuclear talks so that, as pundits put it, he could capitalize on this change in discourse. The division over the nuclear issue in the third debate and the bold swipe Velayati took at the way nuclear talks led by Saeed Jalili were being handled did nothing to benefit Velayati, but it did open the way for the acceptance of the criticism Rouhani directed at the trend of talks. So the turbaned diplomat eventually emerged victorious in the 11th presidential elections. The 4 million-plus votes Jalili garnered in the polls, however, were pure and of high quality. The purity and high quality of the votes he secured are going to be the best prop for his likely run for president. The reason Jalili supporters put forth to persuade him to remain on the political scene is that the 4 million-plus votes he bagged came not on the back of months of intense campaigning, but in less than a month and that continued efforts in four years can definitely see that number rise and make Rouhani the first one-term president in the history of the Islamic Republic. Unlike other main critics of the Rouhani government such as Lankarani, who is rarely seen these days and is marginalized when compared to the months and years leading up to last year’s presidential elections, Saeed Jalili has never stepped off the political scene for timeout. Trips and speeches continue to be on top of his agenda. In these speeches, in addition to value-based principles of the Islamic Republic and the criteria one needs to meet to be a committed revolutionary, efforts to safeguard the nuclear achievements of the country and keep the nation on course of advancement, as far as nuclear technology is concerned, take center stage.

But the possible success or failure of the nuclear talks is predictably going to be vital to his decision on whether to stand for president in three years.

“In all fairness, one should admit that in mapping out his nuclear stance, Jalili has rarely blasted the performance of Rouhani’s government over the past 12 months. Even at a time when the media critical of the government took aim at the Geneva agreement, he did not lash out at Rouhani’s nuclear policy. But the possible success or failure of the nuclear talks is predictably going to be vital to his decision on whether to stand for president in three years.”

 [:ar]Prolonged nuclear talks between P5+1 and Iranian negotiators led by Saeed Jalili which seemed to be leading nowhere was the trump card Hassan Rouhani and his fellow presidential hopefuls used in last year’s elections against the top principlist candidate: Saeed Jalili. Positive developments in nuclear talks over the past year which culminated in the conclusion of an interim deal in Geneva prompted some principlists to take aim at the deal, both implicitly and explicitly. But the author of the short essay below, which was published in a 121st issue of Hamshahri Mah Magazine, believes Saeed Jalili is conspicuous by his absence in the ranks of those who are critical of Hassan Rouhani and his top nuclear negotiator Mohammad Javad Zarif. Is he waiting for the July 20 deadline and a possible failure of the interlocutors to draft a comprehensive deal to play his I-told-so card? Is he going to use the possible breakup of the nuclear negotiations as a lever in his bid to unseat his moderate rival: incumbent Hassan Rouhani in the 2017 presidential polls? Here is the essay in its entirety:

“Barely has a year passed since Hassan Rouhani’s government took office, and the 12th presidential election seems too far away. But a frenzy of activity, including provincial trips, by Saeed Jalili could be a sign he is determined to challenge Hassan Rouhani in the polls in three years’ time.

But a frenzy of activity, including provincial trips, by Saeed Jalili could be a sign he is determined to challenge Hassan Rouhani in the polls in three years’ time.

“Jalili threw his hat in the ring ahead of the 11th presidential election so unexpectedly that his own campaign, which was known as Campaign for Good Life, seemed to have been taken by surprise, something that rendered it unable to duly support the former secretary of the Supreme National Security Council’s bid for the top job. This time around, though, Saeed Jalili’s candidacy in the 12th presidential election is predictable. Although in politics one cannot predict anything with certainty, Saeed Jalili’s provincial tours over the past year, particularly his back-to-back speeches in several towns on June 4 and 5 [2014 ], suggest he is likely to be a contender in the upcoming presidential elections. By fielding his candidacy in the previous vote, the top negotiator shifted the focus of presidential campaign to nuclear talks so that, as pundits put it, he could capitalize on this change in discourse. The division over the nuclear issue in the third debate and the bold swipe Velayati took at the way nuclear talks led by Saeed Jalili were being handled did nothing to benefit Velayati, but it did open the way for the acceptance of the criticism Rouhani directed at the trend of talks. So the turbaned diplomat eventually emerged victorious in the 11th presidential elections. The 4 million-plus votes Jalili garnered in the polls, however, were pure and of high quality. The purity and high quality of the votes he secured are going to be the best prop for his likely run for president. The reason Jalili supporters put forth to persuade him to remain on the political scene is that the 4 million-plus votes he bagged came not on the back of months of intense campaigning, but in less than a month and that continued efforts in four years can definitely see that number rise and make Rouhani the first one-term president in the history of the Islamic Republic. Unlike other main critics of the Rouhani government such as Lankarani, who is rarely seen these days and is marginalized when compared to the months and years leading up to last year’s presidential elections, Saeed Jalili has never stepped off the political scene for timeout. Trips and speeches continue to be on top of his agenda. In these speeches, in addition to value-based principles of the Islamic Republic and the criteria one needs to meet to be a committed revolutionary, efforts to safeguard the nuclear achievements of the country and keep the nation on course of advancement, as far as nuclear technology is concerned, take center stage.

But the possible success or failure of the nuclear talks is predictably going to be vital to his decision on whether to stand for president in three years.

“In all fairness, one should admit that in mapping out his nuclear stance, Jalili has rarely blasted the performance of Rouhani’s government over the past 12 months. Even at a time when the media critical of the government took aim at the Geneva agreement, he did not lash out at Rouhani’s nuclear policy. But the possible success or failure of the nuclear talks is predictably going to be vital to his decision on whether to stand for president in three years.”

 

Can we trust his motto of moderation and prudence?

By
Emad Askarieh
-
Hashemi and Rouhani in war
Hashemi and Rouhani in war

Following the release, in late December 2013, of a controversial biopic titled I am Rouhani, the monthly appendix of Etemad newspaper in its 44th issue ran a report on the so-called Assembly of the Wise, its formation and the impact it had on the war Iran and Iraq fought in the 1980s. The following is an excerpt of the report:

“‘My friendship with him goes back to the fourth Islamic Consultative Assembly. I always found him a reasonable individual with a distinctive character. Suffice to say that he was a member of the Assembly of the Wise. Back then, all one needed to be regarded as moderate and appreciative of consultation was membership of the assembly.’ Those were the words Iranian President Hassan Rouhani uttered in parliament in August 2013 to secure a vote of confidence from MPs for his proposed interior minister: Abdolreza Rahmani Fazli. In that parliamentary session, President Rouhani also characterized Seyyed Mahmoud Alavi, who is now the intelligence minister, as ‘a moderate individual and a member of the Assembly of the Wise. A person who was widely known for his moderation and exactitude’. Back then, very few people paid attention to the wording of the president. He was talking about the Assembly of the Wise which arguably played a major role in the Islamic Consultative Assembly midway through the war. Some have gone so far as to suggest that members of the assembly along with Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani were the ones who made Imam [Khomeini] drink up the proverbial poison from the chalice. The questions that might arise here are ‘What was the Assembly of the Wise? And who had a seat on it?’ […]

Thirty-something MPs were members of the assembly. They were not into factional politics. Indeed, they represented both factions.

“To develop a better understanding of the Assembly of the Wise and how it was formed, one needs to pay attention to what its members have to say about it. One year before the 2013 election, Hassan Rouhani was quoted by a June issue of Nasim-e Bidari [Breeze of Awakening] as saying, ‘The second parliament saw the emergence of the Assembly of the Wise, which remained active until the fifth parliament. Thirty-something MPs were members of the assembly. They were not into factional politics. Indeed, they represented both factions. We believed membership had to be open to any pundit who held sway and was familiar with the way things had to be handled. The assembly was formed, in the first place, to focus on the war. Mr. Karoubi, Mr. Yazdi, Mr. Bayat Zanjani and Mr. Movahedi Kermani were among first members of the assembly whose meetings continued into the fifth parliament.’ Apparently, the assembly was formed to focus on the war. What others have to say about its meetings is worth mentioning. For instance, Abdolreza Rahmani Fazli, who serves as interior minister in President Rouhani’s cabinet, in an interview with the special New Year issue of Hamshahri Newspaper had the following to say about his acquaintance with Hassan Rouhani: ‘He (Hassan Rouhani) had a group which was comprised of MPs and experts in a variety of fields at the Supreme National Security Council. That group, of which I was a member, was called the Assembly of the Wise.’ Rahmani Fazli had earlier, during a farewell speech at the Audit Court, mentioned the same grouping. […] The comments of the interior minister suggest that in addition to parliament, the Assembly of the Wise had an active presence in the Supreme National Security Council of which Rouhani was secretary for 16 years. Mohammad Reza Bahonar, the vice-speaker of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, told Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow [a TV program]: ‘I am certain Mr. Rouhani did not merely bring up the question of moderation to win over the electorate. He is moderate in nature. When he was in parliament, he always associated with moderates and organized Meetings of the Wise to get things done.’ Seyyed Mehdi Faghihi had the following to say about the intelligence minister: ‘When Mahmoud Alavi was a member of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, he and Rouhani formed a group of moderate MPs which was known as the Assembly of the Wise.’ Rasoul Montajabnia, another former MP, said, ‘Between 15 and 20 MPs would attend meetings which were convened in the houses of representatives near the parliament building. Those meetings which were known as Meetings of the Wise were presided over by Dr. Hassan Rouhani.’ Hossein Ebrahimi, another parliament deputy, said, ‘Mr. Rouhani was a moderate individual. In the second parliament, a group bringing together Mr. Anvari, Ayatollah Shabestari, Ayatollah Yazdi, Mr. Rouhani, Esmail Shushtari, Sobhaninia, Qaemi, Mahmoud Alavi and me founded a group which was known as the Assembly of the Wise. […] Mr. Rouhani was instrumental in this grouping. He was moderate and maintained that characteristic throughout our acquaintance.’ The Assembly of the Wise was one of the most important and influential institutions formed within parliament in post-revolution Iran, and Hassan Rouhani was the most powerful member of this group. […]

The foundation of moderation, a platform on which the head of the 11th government ran, was laid in the Assembly of the Wise which represented all factions of the country.

“During the war, the Assembly of the Wise tried to bring the conflict to a pleasant end. A much-anticipated development that came after Iran captured al-Faw, which in turn led to the acceptance of Resolution 598 [of the UN Security Council]. What is important about I am Rouhani is that it takes a closer look at various aspects of the president’s personality prior to the presidential election of 2013. The role Rouhani played during the war is so prominent that independent research is needed to develop a better understanding of it. In conclusion, one can say that the foundation of moderation, a platform on which the head of the 11th government ran, was laid in the Assembly of the Wise which represented all factions of the country. An assembly one can still talk about and develop an insight into the personality of its less-known members.”

Zarif says Iran sees no benefit in nuclear weapons

By
Emad Askarieh
-
Mohammad-Javad-Zarif

“We don’t see any benefit in Iran developing a nuclear weapon,” Zarif said in an interview with NBC’s “Meet the Press” from Vienna, where nuclear talks are taking place.

I will commit to everything and anything that would provide credible assurances for the international community that Iran is not seeking nuclear weapons, because we are not.

He went on to say that nuclear weapons would not empower Iran, but reduce its influence in the region.

The Iranian foreign minister stated that having nukes does not “help anybody.”

The politics of geography — the fact that we’re bigger, the fact that we’re stronger, that we’re more populous, the fact that we have a better technology, the fact that our human resources are by far more developed than most of our neighbors — all of these provide us with inherent areas of strength that we don’t need to augment with other capabilities.

He said nuclear weapons “or no amount of military power makes you safe,” adding, “So we need to live in a different paradigm. And that’s what we are calling for.”

Iran and the five permanent members of the UN Security Council – the United States, Russia, France, Britain and China – plus Germany have been discussing ways to sort out differences and achieve a final deal that would end the decade-old dispute over Iran’s nuclear energy program.

 

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